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2011
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Contribution to book
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There is no simple relationship between national and European identity. Identifications fluctuate over the course of time as well as between individuals and sub-groups within the same nation – elements which are too often hidden by figures aggregated at the country level. A historical review of French conceptions of national identity confirms that the often encountered description of France as a political type of nation is an oversimplification: in addition of the politically based conception, specific groups always defended a more culturally based conception of nation. However, the empirical analyses of the ISSP 2003 national identity survey indicate that the political definition of nation has indeed a much wider reception in France than the cultural definition. Another French specificity consists in the highly disseminated distribution of respondents as to the type of national identity. Linear regressions establish that only the cultural type of national identity tends to be negatively associated with a European identity. The fact that only a minority of French citizens appear to uphold a cultural national identity suggests that national identity alone cannot be held accountable for Euroscepticism in France.
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2011
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Contribution to book
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This paper explores how European integration has been politicized by domestic political parties in France, Germany and the UK since 1986: how salient is European integration in domestic party competition? Is it politicized along one single conflict dimension? How far do EU-related issues structure party competition and with which impact on pre-existing conflict dimensions? We argue that the existing literature tends to ignore major developments of the party competition literature which results in misleadingly reducing the EU to one single political issue and in overestimating its conflictual character. These theoretical weaknesses go together with methodological shortcomings. We develop alternative hypotheses regarding the importance of issue salience, the multidimension character of EU-related issues and the impact of internal division of parties as well as of party system characteristics on the dynamics of politicization. Our mixed-methods analysis of party manifestos reveals considerable fluctuations in EU salience, impacted by major events of European integration, but also and mainly by party sytem endogeneous factors. European politics appear to cover a multitude of facets. Most of them are consensual within a given party system.
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2012
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Book
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Research on the extreme right is rare, and the extreme right has even more rarely been analysed as a social movement. In this volume, the extreme right is compared in Italy, Germany, and the United States using concepts and methods developed in social movement studies. In particular, the book describes the discourse, action, and organizational structures of the extreme right, and explains these on the basis of the available discursive and political opportunities. Three main empirical methods are used in the research. Firstly, the frame analysis looks at the cognitive mechanisms that are relevant in influencing organizational and individual behaviour. Second, network analysis looks at the (inter-) organizational structural characteristics of right-wing organizations. Finally, protest event analysis allows for an empirical summary of the actions undertaken by right-wing extremists over the last decade. The substantive chapters address the organizational structure of the extreme right, their action repertoires, the framing of protest events, the definition of ‘us’, the struggle against modernity, old and new forms of racism, opposition to globalization, and populism.
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2011
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Article
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Cet article analyse les élections parlementaires portugaises du 5 juin 2011. Il en présente l’arrière-plan issu de la législature précédente, de la crise économique, du renflouement de la dette portugaise et de la campagne électorale. Il décrit ensuite les résultats électoraux en les comparant avec les élections nationales précédentes. Globalement, le scrutin se solde par une nette défaite de la gauche laissant place au gouvernement le plus néolibéral de l’histoire du Portugal. Les électeurs semblent également avoir primé la stabilité puisque les partis de droite affichèrent leur volonté de coopérer, formant rapidement une coalition gouvernementale, alors que les partis de gauche ont montré leur incapacité à coopérer entre eux.
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2011
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Article
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The aim of this article is to assess the importance of a life event perspective on poverty in relation to the traditional social stratification approach. Lately, poverty has often been seen as a life course risk associated with certain life events and less influenced by characteristics of social position. The empirical part of this article explores the importance of the life course perspective as well as the social stratification framework for the understanding of the poverty risk. The question asked is whether risky life events have the same poverty-triggering effect for all social stratification groups or whether processes of cumulative disadvantage prevail at crucial life transitions. The findings, based on random effects event history analyses of the European Community Household Panel Survey, show that structural and biographical explanations of poverty do not present themselves as opposites, but they rather complement each other and their interactions provide interesting insights. The results show that the most vulnerable social groups are more affected by the poverty-triggering effect of a life stage like childbirth. On the other hand, job loss is a more general poverty trigger, substantially increasing everyone's poverty entry risk. Also partnership dissolution has a poverty triggering effect for people of all educational levels and all social classes. In line with previous research, we found that partnership dissolution affects the poverty entry risk of women more strongly.
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