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2011
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Contribution to book
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There is no simple relationship between national and European identity. Identifications fluctuate over the course of time as well as between individuals and sub-groups within the same nation – elements which are too often hidden by figures aggregated at the country level. A historical review of French conceptions of national identity confirms that the often encountered description of France as a political type of nation is an oversimplification: in addition of the politically based conception, specific groups always defended a more culturally based conception of nation. However, the empirical analyses of the ISSP 2003 national identity survey indicate that the political definition of nation has indeed a much wider reception in France than the cultural definition. Another French specificity consists in the highly disseminated distribution of respondents as to the type of national identity. Linear regressions establish that only the cultural type of national identity tends to be negatively associated with a European identity. The fact that only a minority of French citizens appear to uphold a cultural national identity suggests that national identity alone cannot be held accountable for Euroscepticism in France.
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2011
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Contribution to book
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This paper explores how European integration has been politicized by domestic political parties in France, Germany and the UK since 1986: how salient is European integration in domestic party competition? Is it politicized along one single conflict dimension? How far do EU-related issues structure party competition and with which impact on pre-existing conflict dimensions? We argue that the existing literature tends to ignore major developments of the party competition literature which results in misleadingly reducing the EU to one single political issue and in overestimating its conflictual character. These theoretical weaknesses go together with methodological shortcomings. We develop alternative hypotheses regarding the importance of issue salience, the multidimension character of EU-related issues and the impact of internal division of parties as well as of party system characteristics on the dynamics of politicization. Our mixed-methods analysis of party manifestos reveals considerable fluctuations in EU salience, impacted by major events of European integration, but also and mainly by party sytem endogeneous factors. European politics appear to cover a multitude of facets. Most of them are consensual within a given party system.
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2011
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Article
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The aim of this article is to assess the importance of a life event perspective on poverty in relation to the traditional social stratification approach. Lately, poverty has often been seen as a life course risk associated with certain life events and less influenced by characteristics of social position. The empirical part of this article explores the importance of the life course perspective as well as the social stratification framework for the understanding of the poverty risk. The question asked is whether risky life events have the same poverty-triggering effect for all social stratification groups or whether processes of cumulative disadvantage prevail at crucial life transitions. The findings, based on random effects event history analyses of the European Community Household Panel Survey, show that structural and biographical explanations of poverty do not present themselves as opposites, but they rather complement each other and their interactions provide interesting insights. The results show that the most vulnerable social groups are more affected by the poverty-triggering effect of a life stage like childbirth. On the other hand, job loss is a more general poverty trigger, substantially increasing everyone's poverty entry risk. Also partnership dissolution has a poverty triggering effect for people of all educational levels and all social classes. In line with previous research, we found that partnership dissolution affects the poverty entry risk of women more strongly.
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2011
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Book
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According to many scholars, the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty and the disappointment caused by the contents of the Lisbon Treaty –- defined by Somek (2007) as a mere post-Constitutional Treaty – mark the failure of any possible constitutional ambition for the European Union (EU). This book aims at challenging this point both from a theoretical point of view – by describing the EU as an example of “evolutionary constitutionalism” – and a pragmatic one (i.e., looking at the functioning of concrete constitutional experiences). My idea is that the latest attempts at amending the EU treaties – the period of the “Conventions” – can be traced back to the genus of mega-constitutional politics and starting from this parallelism I argue that the so-called constitutional “failure” of the EU is actually a confirmation of the current constitutional nature of the EU rather than the proof of the impossibility of transplanting the constitutional discourse to the EU level.
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2011
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Article
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This contribution explores whether and under what conditions functional sectoral cooperation between the EU and the countries of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) promotes democratic governance. In an analysis of four countries (Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine) and three fields of cooperation (competition, environment, and migration policy), we show that country properties such as the degree of political liberalization, membership aspirations, and geographic region do not explain differences in democratic governance. Rather, sectoral conditions such as the codification of democratic governance rules, the institutionalization of functional cooperation, interdependence, and adoption costs matter most for the success of democratic governance promotion. We further reveal a notable discrepancy between adoption and application of democratic governance in the selected ENP countries that has not been remedied in the first five years of the ENP.
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