Open Access
Economics of majoritarian identity politics
Loading...
Files
RSC WP 2023 52_V1.pdf (527.44 KB)
Full text in Open-Access
License
Attribution 4.0 International
Access Rights
Cadmus Permanent Link
Full-text via DOI
ISBN
ISSN
1028-3625
Issue Date
Type of Publication
LC Subject Heading
Other Topic(s)
EUI Research Cluster(s)
Initial version
Published version
Succeeding version
Preceding version
Published version part
Earlier different version
Initial format
Author(s)
Citation
EUI; RSC; Working Paper; 2023/52; Global Governance Programme
Cite
TICKU, Rohit, VENKATESH, Raghul S., Economics of majoritarian identity politics, EUI, RSC, Working Paper, 2023/52, Global Governance Programme - https://hdl.handle.net/1814/75965
Abstract
Majoritarian identity politics has become salient in representative democracies. Why do parties engage in identity politics and what are its consequences? We present a model of electoral competition in which parties capture voter groups based on their identity, and compete over an economic policy platform for the support of nonpartisan voters. In addition, the party that caters to majoritarian interests makes a costly investment in polarizing identity. The investment provides subsequent payoffs to voters who have a preference for identity. When voter preferences over policy platforms are idiosyncratic in nature, greater investment in polarizing identity (i) increases both parties’ rents from office; and (ii) marginalizes minority voter interests. Further, the majoritarian party substitutes away from economic policy platforms. This enhances its overall payoffs in equilibrium and decreases that of the non-majoritarian party. We discuss the implications in context of episodes of majoritarianism in India, Turkey, Brazil, and the United States.
Table of Contents
Additional Information
External Links
Publisher
Geographical Coverage
Temporal Coverage
Version
Source
Source Link
Research Projects
Sponsorship and Funder Information
We thank the second author’s former affiliation AMSE (Aix-Marseille University), and IRES (Chapman University) for financial support. The paper is part of the project titled “Public Decision and Social Welfare: Efficiency and Distributive Justice”, PY18-2933. All errors are our own.
