Responses of European economic cultures to Europe's crisis politics : the example of German-Italian discrepancies
|Florence : European University Institute, 2018
|When we started our preparation for this project only a year ago, our prime concerns were the deepening of the social and economic asymmetries between the North and the South under the impact of the financial crisis, with Germany and Italy providing an example of existential importance for the EU as a whole. Both of us had resided in the two countries for prolonged periods in the past, and we had never witnessed such a surge in antagonistic feelings on both sides of the Alps as occurred during the Euro crisis. This can even be measured: while it had been common in Germany, at the beginning of the crisis, to talk about the PIIGS states (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain), with Italy figuring among them as an important member, the percentage of Italians having a positive image of Germany crashed only from 75 to 65 per cent during the immediate crisis period, and now the majority of the Italians thinks that Germany has too much influence in Europe and that it uses this influence at the expense of Southern Member States. While our application for funding was still pending, we witnessed two crucial events that increased the pertinence of our project way beyond our expectations. First, on the 24 September 2017, for the first time in post-war German history, a far right party entered the German Bundestag with a landslide victory, receiving 14 per cent of the popular vote and 100 parliamentary seats. Second, only five months later in Italy, the far-right Lega party and the Movimento Cinque Stelle emerged as the big winners from the Italian federal elections of the 4th of March 2018. Forming a previously unthinkable coalition between right-wing and left-wing populism, they entered into government. We are not so naïve as to believe that the variety of Europe’s crises could be understood and adequately analysed as though these were isolated events. The course of Italy’s economic and social policy has so obviously been affected by the migration burdens that Italy has had to shoulder and the lack of European solidarity; the bitter disappointment could be turned into populist critique of the constraints that European rule imposes upon national policies and the public announcement of disobedience by members of the Italian government. In a similar vein, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany had been founded as an anti-Euro rescue party, which catalysed quickly through the immigration crisis of 2015 into a xenophobic far-right populist party, sharing many positions with the Italian Lega. While the parties and alliances in both countries had capitalised very much upon the antagonisms between Italy and Germany and their positions during the Euro crisis by building on nationalist sentiments, today we have reached a true anti-climax when one observes that the intensification of tensions are accompanied by the founding of new alliances and a contagion towards formerly non-populist and non-far right parties in both countries: “Europe does not want migrants, it wants our money” (Luigi Di Maio); “Migration is the Mother of all problems” (Horst Seehofer). Both the AfD in Germany and the Lega in Italy share two major targets against which they direct their rage: European integration, especially in the economic realm, and immigration. We refrain, however, from attempting to disentangle all these interdependencies, but hope that our study of the two exemplary cases of Italy and Germany will provide us with some answers to the question of what led us down this road. We believe that the approach which we have pursued in our design of this project provides illuminating insights of lasting importance.
|Acknowledgements 6 ;Introductory Explanations 6; Contributors 20; A) The Political Economy of Germany and Italy;The German Political Economy under the Euro – and a Comparison to the “Southern Model” - Philip Manow 27; The Political Economy of Public Sector Wage-setting in Germany and Italy - Donato Di Carlo 48;Geo-Politics of Exporting Too Much: Contrasting Trajectories of Germany and Japan - Margarita Estévez-Abe 63; Ideational Differences between Italian and German Governments during the Crisis -Frederico Bruno 74; A Cultural Political Economy Approach to the European Crisis - Josef Hien 80; B) Sectors of the Political Economy of Italy and Germany;Worlds Apart: The Divergence of Southern-European Housing-Construction Economies and Northern European Export Economies - Sebastian Kohl & Alexander Spielau 99;Banking Crisis Interventions in Germany and Italy: the Unpleasant Case of the New European Bank Resolution Framework -Frederik Traut 108;Comparing the German and Italian Approaches to Banking Union - Lucia Quaglia 120; Maternal employment, attitudes toward gender equality and work-family policies. German-Italian Discrepancies? - Agnes Blome 129;C) German and Italian Perceptions, Differences and Misgivings;Italy and Germany during the Crisis: Support for the EU and Reciprocal Views - Alessandro Pellegata 140;The Political Space in Italy and Germany during the Crisis: Italian and German Populism Compared - Hanspeter Kriesi148;The political economy of recovery in Southern Europe - Manos Matsaganis 157;Accommodating EU‘s influence vs protecting national sovereignty. - Ilaria Madama and Matteo Jessoula 162; European Integration and Political Ownership: Fiction and Reality behind Structural Reforms and Risk-Sharing - Filippo Taddei 170;D) The Legacy of the Welfare State in Europe;An Alternative to the Constitution of the EU’s Single Market? - Florian Rödl 176; Industrial Relations and Labour Law in the EU Economic Governance Mechanisms:The Cases of Italy and Germany - Francesco Costamagna 182; What to expect from Germany for the European Pillar of Social Rights and beyond? - Marcel Hadeed 188; The EU Political Culture of Total Optimism is not Dead: Reflections on the European Pillar of Social Rights - Vladimir Bogoeski 196;A ‘more political’ leadership for the President of the Commission? A mixed-methods language-based analysis -Pamela Pansardi 201;E) The Demise of Law; The EU as “Honest Broker”? German and Italian Perspectives on an Adminstrative Body -Anna Katharina Mangold 215; Integration-through-crisis as a distinct integrative mode: Placing expediency ahead of democracy? - Nicole Scicluna 220; Should the Specifics of National Political Cultures be Characterised as “Democratic Acquis” and Can they be Defended by Law? Beyond the Nostalgia-Controversy between JÜrgen Habermas and Wolfgang Streeck -Christian Joerges 229; The End of the Universality of Norms as a Model for Europe: The Error of “Seeing like a State” (J.S. Scott) in the Postmodern Condition - Karl-Heinz Ladeur 237; F) Justice Deficits and Solidarity; Is the EU Unjust? - Glyn Morgan 244; A European Minister of Economy and Finance:Assessing the Commission’s proposal and Comparing the Positions of Germany and Italy - Tiziano Zgaga 253; Re-solidarizing Europe and Defusing the Crisis - Maurizio Ferrera and Carlo Burelli 263; Summarising Comments; Concluding Remarks: Economic Cultures and the Politics of Interdependence - Visnja Vukov 269; Two Annexes; Order in the Eurozone: Maurizio Ferrera and Claus Offe in Conversation - Maurizio Ferrera and Claus Offe 278; Germany is Quietly Rebalancing its Economy – But This will not Fix the Eurozone’s Flaws - Donato Di Carlo 282;
|Responses of European economic cultures to Europe's crisis politics : the example of German-Italian discrepancies