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dc.contributor.authorSCHMID, Samuel D.
dc.contributor.authorPICCOLI, Lorenzo
dc.contributor.authorARRIGHI, Jean-Thomas
dc.date.accessioned2019-03-14T13:39:29Z
dc.date.available2019-03-14T13:39:29Z
dc.date.issued2019
dc.identifier.citationEuropean political science, 2019, Vol. 18, No. 4, pp. 695-713en
dc.identifier.issn1680-4333
dc.identifier.issn1682-0983
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/1814/61807
dc.descriptionFirst Online: 14 February 2019en
dc.description.abstractThe electoral franchise has become more universal as restrictions based on criteria such as sex or property have been lifted throughout the process of democratisation. Yet, a broad range of exclusions has persisted to this date, making the suffrage non-universal, even in established democracies. In this article, we present ELECLAW, a new set of indicators that captures the subtle and variegated legal landscape of persisting electoral rights restrictions. We measure the inclusiveness of the right to vote and the right to stand as candidate across four levels and three types of elections for three categories of voters: citizen residents, non-citizen residents, and non-resident citizens. ELECLAW currently covers fifty-one democracies in three different continents (the Americas, Europe, and Oceania) depicting the legal situation in 2015. The article introduces the methodology used for building the indicators so as to make it transparent to the broader research community. To this aim, it successively unpacks the conceptualisation underlying the indicators, explains the measurement by providing specific examples, and discusses the merits of a differentiated and context-driven method of aggregation.en
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoenen
dc.relation.ispartofEuropean political scienceen
dc.relation.ispartofseries[Global Governance Programme]en
dc.relation.ispartofseries[Global Citizenship Governance]en
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessen
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
dc.titleNon-universal suffrage : measuring electoral inclusion in contemporary democraciesen
dc.typeArticleen
dc.identifier.doi10.1057/s41304-019-00202-8
dc.identifier.volume18
dc.identifier.startpage695
dc.identifier.endpage713
dc.identifier.issue4
dc.rights.licenseCreative Commons CC BY 4.0


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Except where otherwise noted, this item's license is described as Creative Commons CC BY 4.0