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dc.contributor.authorGIORGIO, Jacopo
dc.date.accessioned2024-05-09T10:45:56Z
dc.date.available2024-05-09T10:45:56Z
dc.date.issued2024
dc.identifier.isbn9789294665119
dc.identifier.issn2600-271X
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/1814/76855
dc.descriptionThe following policy brief was written by our beloved friend, Jaco. The STG John Ruggie cohort expresses its gratitude to have met such a special person. We hold on to all the dear memories of our time spent together in the city he cherished most, Firenze. "To live in hearts we leave behind is not to die." (Thomas Campbell). The Ruggie cohort, class of 2024, Master in Transnational Governanceen
dc.descriptionJacopo was a wonderful human being, a dear colleague to his fellow students, and has left a terrible void to his family and friends. He was also a remarkable scholar to those of us who had the opportunity to teach and learn from him. As a small tribute to his intellectual legacy, and in his honour and memory, we’ve therefore decided to publish one of the term essays written during his time at the Florence STG. The Faculty of the Florence School of Transnational Governance, European University Instituteen
dc.descriptionSpecial policy brief in memory of the Master student Jacopo Giorgio.en
dc.description.abstractAfter the Cold War, the rules-based global order extended its reach, centring more on democracy and human rights. While not universally embraced, these liberal values were considered enduring, boasting global appeal because of their norms and inclusivity. There seemed to be no compelling alternatives, making this order open for all to participate. A prevailing belief was that most nations would gain from its regulations and have a voice via multilateral institutions. However, recent times have replaced this optimism with growing unease and caution. The expansion of liberal values at the core of the international order also increased the discontent of those who were not fond of those liberal values from the beginning but still benefitted from being part of the order. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been one of these countries: an absolute monarchy with strict religious laws, illiberal by nature, but still one of the closest allies of the leader of the liberal international order, the United States (US). However, as the liberal nature of the international order became more central to the international order and the pressure to adhere to liberal norms and values more felt, the relationship between Washington and Riyadh gradually became increasingly uneasy. Yet, for the Kingdom, there was no alternative on the horizon. Thus, it had to bandwagon with the US regardless. However, with the rise of China, things started to change, and space for autonomy and contestation gradually opened. Saudi Arabia is thus hedging its bets under the US security umbrella while flirting with China and Chinese-led institutions.en
dc.description.sponsorshipFunded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor EACEA can be held responsible for them.en
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdfen
dc.language.isoenen
dc.publisherEuropean University Instituteen
dc.relation.ispartofseriesEUIen
dc.relation.ispartofseriesSTGen
dc.relation.ispartofseriesPolicy Briefen
dc.relation.ispartofseries2014/15en
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessen
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/*
dc.titleWhat are the consequences for middle powers, such as the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, of a multi-order future?en
dc.typeOtheren
dc.identifier.doi10.2870/89038
dc.rights.licenseAttribution 4.0 International*


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Except where otherwise noted, this item's license is described as Attribution 4.0 International